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dment was supported by both major parties and was immensely popular. However, it was defeated in Congress when it failed to get the vote of 38 legislatures by 1982. Supporters of an unaltered ERA rejected the Hayden rider, believing an ERA containing the rider did not provide for equality. In 1986, Jerome Himmelstein identified two main theories about the appeal of antifeminism and its role in opposition to the ERA. One theory is that it was a clash between upper-class liberal voters and the older, more conservative lower-class rural voters, who often serve as the center for right-wing movements. This theory identifies particular social classes as more inherently friendly to antifeminism. Another theory holds that women who feel vulnerable and dependent upon men, are likely to oppose anything that threatens that tenuous stability. Under this view, while educated, independent career women may support feminism, housewives who lack such resources are more drawn to antifeminism. Himmelstein says both views are at least partially wrong, arguing that the primary dividing line between feminists and antifeminists is cultural, rather than stemming from differences in economic and social status. There are similarities between income between activists on both sides of the ERA debate. The most indicative factors when predicting ERA position, especially among women, were race, marital status, age, and education. ERA opposition was much higher among white, married, older, and less educated citizens. Women who opposed the ERA tended to fit characteristics consistent with the Religious Right. In 1983, Val Burris said that high-income men opposed the amendm
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